Statement by
George Houser
to the
United Nations
Special Committee
against Apartheid
June 25, 1982

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(1927 - )
C0-Founder, Congress of Racial Equality |
Comments
by
George Houser
at the
50th anniversary of ACOA, The Africa Fund & APIC, (now
Africa Action)
in
Washington, DC,
October 3, 2003

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to read statement |
George Houser, the son of a Methodist minister, became a
pacifist while studying at
the Theological Seminary in Chicago. Houser was influenced by
Henry David Thoreau and his
theories on how to use
nonviolent resistance to
achieve social change. Houser joined the
Fellowship of Reconciliation
(FOR) and the War Resisters League and in November, 1940, he was
arrested for resisting the draft. Found guilty, he was sentenced to
a year imprisonment in Danbury, Connecticut.
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On his release from prison Houser became youth secretary of
Fellowship of Reconciliation.
Houser worked closely with
Abraham Muste, the leader of
the organization. Houser also helped Muste and
Philip Randolph
to
organize the planned
March on Washington in June,
1941 against racial discrimination in the armed forces. The
demonstration was called off when
Franklin D. Roosevelt issued
Executive Order 8802 on 25th June, 1941, barring discrimination in
defense industries and federal bureaus (the
Fair Employment Act).
In 1942 Houser, and two other members of FOR,
James Farmer and
Bayard Rustin, established
the
Congress
on Racial Equality (CORE).
Members of CORE had been deeply influenced by the teachings of
Mahatma Gandhi and the nonviolent civil disobedience campaign that
he used successfully against British rule in India. The students
became convinced that the same methods could be employed by African
Americans to obtain
civil rights in America.

In early 1947, the
Congress on Racial Equality
announced plans to send eight white and eight black men into the
Deep South to test the
Supreme Court ruling that
declared segregation in interstate travel unconstitutional.
organized by Houser and
Bayard Rustin, the
Journey of Reconciliation
was to be a two week pilgrimage through Virginia, North Carolina,
Tennessee and Kentucky.
Although
Walter White of the
National Association for the Advancement of
Coloured People (NAACP) was against this kind of
direct action, he volunteered the service of its southern attorneys
during the campaign.
Thurgood Marshall, head of
the NAACP's legal department, was strongly against the
Journey of Reconciliation
and warned that a "disobedience movement on the part of Negroes and
their white allies, if employed in the South, would result in
wholesale slaughter with no good achieved."
The
Journey of Reconciliation
began on 9th April, 1947. As well as Houser, the team included
Bayard Rustin,
James Peck, Igal Roodenko,
Nathan Wright, Conrad Lynn, Wallace Nelson, Andrew Johnson, Eugene
Stanley, Dennis Banks, William Worthy, Louis Adams, Joseph Felmet,
Worth Randle and Homer Jack.
Members of the Journey of Reconciliation team were arrested several
times. In North Carolina, two of the African Americans,
Bayard Rustin and Andrew
Johnson, were found guilty of violating the state's Jim Crow bus
statute and were sentenced to thirty days on a chain gang. However,
Judge Henry Whitfield made it clear he found that behaviour of the
white men even more objectionable. He told Igal Roodenko and Joseph
Felmet: "It's about time you Jews from New York learned that you
can't come down her bringing your niggers with you to upset the
customs of the South. Just to teach you a lesson, I gave your black
boys thirty days, and I give you ninety."
The
Journey of Reconciliation
achieved a great deal of publicity and was the start of a long
campaign of direct action by the
Congress on Racial Equality.
In February 1948 the Council Against Intolerance in America gave
Houser and
Bayard Rustin the Thomas
Jefferson Award for the Advancement of Democracy for their attempts
to bring an end to segregation in interstate travel.

Bayard Rustin and George Houser in a sit-in
protest against segregated restaurants in Toledo, Ohio
(1) In the journal,
Equality, George Houser explained his views on non-violence (May,
1945)
A person trying to practice non-violence will refuse to retaliate
violently. He merely absorbs the physical punishment. This sounds
crazy to the average person, who has been taught to protect himself
by retaliating when attacked, even if he does take a beating in the
process. Why, then, is non-retaliation essential to the non-violent
approach? From the negative standpoint, if non-violence is forsaken
by the minority group it means the police can be called to arrest
them. From the positive point of view, non-retaliatory action may
make possible the winning of the support of the public, of the
police, and of the opposition.
(2) Instructions produced by George Houser and
Bayard Rustin
for the
Journey of Reconciliation (April,
1947)
If you are a Negro, sit in a front seat. If you are white, sit in a
rear seat.
If the driver asks you to move, tell him calmly and courteously: "As
an interstate passenger I have a right to sit anywhere in this bus.
This is the law as laid down by the United States Supreme Court".
If the driver summons the police and repeats his order in their
presence, tell him exactly what you said when he first asked you to
move.
If the police asks you to "come along," without putting you under
arrest, tell them you will not go until you are put under arrest.
If the police put you under arrest, go with them peacefully. At the
police station, phone the nearest headquarters of the NAACP, or one
of your lawyers. They will assist you.
(3) George Houser and
Bayard Rustin, Fellowship Magazine
(April, 1947)
On June 3, 1946, the Supreme Court of the United States announced
its decision in the case of Irene Morgan versus the Commonwealth of
Virginia. State laws demanding segregation of interstate passengers
on motor carriers are now unconstitutional, for segregation of
passengers crossing state lines was declared an "undue burden on
interstate commerce." Thus it was decided that state Jim Crow laws
do not affect interstate travelers. In a later decision in the Court
of Appeals for the District of Columbia, the Morgan decision was
interpreted to apply to interstate train travel as well as bus
travel.
The executive committee of the Congress of Racial Equality and the
racial-industrial committee of the Fellowship of Reconciliation
decided that they should jointly sponsor a "Journey of
Reconciliation" through the upper South, in order to determine to
how great an extent bus and train companies were recognizing the
Morgan decision. They also wished to learn the reaction of bus
drivers, passengers, and police to those who nonviolently and
persistently challenge Jim Crow in interstate travel.
During the two-week period from April 9 to April 23, 1947, an
interracial group of men, traveling as a deputation team, visited
fifteen cities in Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Kentucky.
More than thirty speaking engagements were met before church, NAACP,
and college groups. The sixteen participants were:
Negro. Bayard Rustin, of the Fellowship of Reconciliation and
part-time worker with the American Friends Service Committee;
Wallace Nelson, freelance lecturer; Conrad Lynn, New York attorney;
Andrew Johnson, Cincinnati student; Dennis Banks, Chicago musician;
William Worthy, of the New York Council for a Permanent FEPC; Eugene
Stanley, of A. and T. College, Greensboro, North Carolina; Nathan
Wright, church social worker from Cincinnati.
White. George Houser, of the FOR and executive secretary of the
Congress of Racial Equality; Ernest Bromley, Methodist minister from
North Carolina; James Peck, editor of the Workers Defense League
News Bulletin; Igal Roodenko, New York horticulturist; Worth Randle,
Cincinnati biologist; Joseph Felmet, of the Southern Workers Defense
League; Homer Jack, executive secretary of the Chicago Council
Against Racial and Religious Discrimination; Louis Adams, Methodist
minister from North Carolina.
During the two weeks of the trip, twenty-six tests of company
policies were made. Arrests occurred on six occasions, with a total
of twelve men arrested.
(4)
George Houser, interviewed by Jervis Anderson for his book,
A. Philip Randolph: A Biographical
Portrait (1972)
We in the non-violent movement of the 1940s certainly thought that
we were initiating something of importance in American life. Of
course, we weren't able to put it in perspective then. But we were
filled with vim and vigor, and we hoped that a mass movement could
develop, even if we did not think that we were going to produce it.
In retrospect, I would say we were precursors. The things we did in
the 1940s were the same things that ushered the civil rights
revolution. Our Journey of Reconciliation preceded the Freedom Rides
of 1961 by fourteen years. Conditions were not quite ready for the
full-blown movement when we were undertaking our initial actions.
But I think we helped to lay the foundations for what followed, and
I feel proud of that.
(5) George Houser, No One
Can Stop the Rain (1989)
(click on book for review)
My introduction to the African liberation struggle began with the
"Campaign to Defy Unjust Laws," sponsored by the African National
Congress. The year was 1952. Word about plans for the forthcoming
massive nonviolent Defiance Campaign to resist the apartheid laws
came to me from my friend and co-worker Bill Sutherland through a
South African editor whom he had met in London. Sutherland and I
were both pacifists, and had worked together on numerous projects to
combat segregation in the United States by non-violent methods.
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